Kashmiri Language: Roots, Evolution and Affinity

Kashmiri is a unique language in the Indian linguistic context. It is analytic like the modern Indian languages of Sanskritic stock and synthetic like the Old Indo-Aryan itself, possessing characteristics of both and at the same time having peculiarities of its own many of which are yet to be fully explored. Linguistically, its importance can hardly be overlooked because, as Siddheshwar Verma has observed, it reveals linguistic strata of various ages-"Vedic, Buddhist Sanskrit, Pali, Kharoshthi Prakrit"1. George Buhler's view that it is of the greatest importance in the study of a comparative grammar of Indo-Aryan languages2 only stresses the obvious for preserving old word-forms and also revealing how new forms took shape from old bases, Kashmiri does seem to hold the key to understanding the processes through which these languages have passed in their development before assuming their present forms.
Grierson too appears to endorse the same point when he says that a study of the Kashmiri language is "an essential preliminary to any inquiry" regarding the "mutual relations of the modern Aryan vernaculars of India"3.
Vedic Origin
There exists a very strong evidence to support the claim that Kashmiri has descended from the Vedic speech or, as pointed out by Buhler, from "one of the dialects of which the classifical Sanskrit was formed"4. References are replete in Rig Vedic hymns to rivers and mountains which have been identified by scholars like Zimmer with definite places in Kashmir, indicating that the region was a part of the Vedic Aryan world - at least in the geographical sense. Linguistically too this fact is strongly corroborated by the presence of a large number of lexical and phonetic elements in Kashmiri that can be directly traced to Vedic sources. These include several words most commonly used in everyday speech in Kashmiri. For example, we have the Kashmiri word yodvay meaning if, what if, yet, still, nonetheless. This appears in almost the same form in the Vedic word yaduvay 5, the corresponding word for it in Sanskrit and Hindi being yadi. Similarly, the word basti, which in Kashmiri means skin, hide, bellows, is hardly different from the Vedic basti meaning goat or bastajin meaning goatskin. The Vedic word sin occurs as syun in Kashmiri meaning "a cooked vegetable", while the Vedic san appears in Kashmiri as son meaning deep. Again, the word vay which means grains in Vedic is used in Kashmiri in the same sense. From the Vedic root taksh comes the Kashmiri word tachch (to scratch, to peel, to plane, to scrape) and its derivative chchan (carpenter, Skt Ksh invariably changing to chch in Kashmiri). Several Kashmiri words have evolved from Vedic through intermediary Pali or Prakrit forms. For instance, Ksh. atsun (to enter), Pali accheti, Vedic atyeti. Similarly Vedic prastar, from which the Hindi word patthar (stone) is derived, changes through the intermediary Prakrit form pattharo to pathar or pathur in Kashmiri retaining the original sense of "on the ground" or "floor". These are but a few of the numerous examples that show how Kashmiri has preserved phonetic, semantic and even morphological elements of the Vedic speech.
It is perhaps on the basis of such overwhelming evidence that eminent inguists like Jules Bloch, Turner, Morgenstierne, Emeneau, Siddheshwar Verma and several other scholars have pointed to the Vedic origin of Kashmiri, arriving at their conclusions after intensive research on the actual traits of the language.
Phonetic aspects of how Kashmiri retains some of the most archaic word forms that can be traced only to the Old Indo-Aryan speech have been analysed at some length by Siddheshwar Verma. Citing word after word, Verma provides evidence on how Kashmiri shows contact with older layers of Indo-Aryan vocabulary 6. The Kashmiri word Kral (potter) derived from the Vedic Sanskrit Kulal is one of such words which he has examined in detail, taking help of Turner's Nepali dictionary. While all other modern Indo- Aryan languages, except Nepali and Sinhalese, have for it words derived from the Sanskrit kumbhakar, Kashmiri alone preserves remnants of the relatively older kulal, he points out, which appears for the first time in the Vajasneyi Samhita of the Vedas. Kumbhakar makes its appearance after the Vedic age (c.f.Monier Williams: Sanskrit-English Dictionary) and it is from this that words like Hindi Kumhar, Gujrati-Marathi kunwar and Western Pahari kumar have originated. Tomul (uncooked rice) is another word cited by him in this context, which, he says, has retained the initial ta of Sanskrit tandulam, while other modern Indo-Aryan languages generally have cha. For example, we have chawal in Hindi and Gujrati, chaul in Bengali and Oriya, chaur in Sindhi, chamal in Nepali. Retention of the original r in Kashmiri pritsh (Skt. prichcha = to ask) and prang (Skt. paryank = bed) are other notable examples, according to him, of the tendency (in Kashmiri) to preserve original phonetical elements. Kochchwu, the Kashmiri word for tortoise, he goes on to point out, indicates that the original word must have been kashyapa and not kachchapa as in Kashmiri. Skt. ksha almost invariably changes to chcha, e.g. aechchi < Skt. akshi, maechchi < Skt.
--------Editor's note: 'ae' is used for Greek symbol for delta (lower case). A text editor does not provide a delta.--------
makshika, lachch < Skt. laksha, vachch < Skt. vaksha and so on. The intermediary form derived from kashyapa, which actually occurs in the Vajsaneyi Samhita, must have been kakashapa, Verma suggests.
Arguing along similar lines, eminent Kashmiri linguist S.K. Toshkhani goes a bit further and suggests that Kashmiri may have preserved even some pre-Vedic phonetic elements 7. Citing examples, he refers to the Kashmiri words rost and sost which correspond to Sanskrit rahit and sahit respectively. Rost and sost, he says, appear to be older than rahit and sahit, and could be pre-Vedic as the change of sa to ha is regarded a relatively later development.
Grierson's views
George A. Grierson, however, holds entirely different views on the question of affinity of Kashmiri. Disregarding the overwhelming evidence that reveals its basic Indo-Aryan character, he seeks to banish the language from the Sanskritic family, preferring instead to classify it under the Pishacha or Dardic group, which, he holds, occupies a position "intermediate between the Sanskritic language of India proper and the Eranian languages farther to their West"8. Considering Dardic languages, including the Shina- Khowar group, to have developed from the Indo-Iranian branch of Aryan, he uses the cover term Pishacha to describe them and observes that Kashmiri too shares their characteristics and so must be grouped with them. He tries to shrug off the predominance of Indo-Aryan vocabulary in Kashmiri by attributing it to a powerful influence of Indian culture and literature for over two thousand years and arguing that vocabulary alone cannot be the determining factor of the classification of a language. "Kashmiri", he concludes, "is a mixed language, having as its basis a language of the Dard group of the Pishacha family allied to Shina", explaining that by basis he means "its phonetic system, its accidence, its syntax, its prosody"9.
Suniti Kumar Chatterji almost echoes Grierson when he observes that "the Kashmiri language is a result of very large overlaying of a Dardic base with Indo-Aryan elements''10. But neither Grierson nor Chatterji have heen able to show what this Dardic base precisely is or produce any evidence of the "over-laying". However, their conclusions have found almost uncritical acceptance by many, creating a confusion that shows no sign of abating and letting a totally erroneous view to prevail. It must be strongly asserted that Grierson's arguments and pronouncements are based on extremely flimsy evidence which has little to do with the facts of the language, and need, therefore, to be re-examined, particularly at a time when the very basis of his theory of Aryan immigration in waves is being seriously questioned. His classification of Kashmiri is overdue for rejection as seriously flawed and arbitrary.
Kashmiri and Pishachi
Grierson starts from a false premise when he equates Kashmiri with Pishachi and therefore with Dardic and Iranian, a theory that makes little linguistic sense and has even lesser basis in historical facts. His infatuation with this equation notwithstanding, there are questions which refuse to be exorcised. Were the supposed raw-flesh eating Pishacas actual speakers of Pishachi Prakrit? Were they and the inhabitants of Dardistan one and the same people historically? Both find mention in the Mahabharata and in the Rajatarangini, but in different contexts and as separate and distinct ethnic groups. Nowhere have their ethnic traits or identities overlapped or been confused with one another - something that only Grierson has attempted on the basis of far-fetched and hardly tenable evidence.
Scholars are absolutely not sure and certainly not in agreement about the linguistic features and exact geographical area of Pishachi. Yet Grierson in his obsession to separate Kashmiri from Indo-Aryan languages extends as though with a sweep of his hand the Pishachi and hence Dardic speaking region from the Hindukush to Goa11, assuming too much and interchanging the terms Pishacha and Dard only to create a mess from which linguistic research has yet to recover. And granted for a moment they are interchangeable terms in ethnic as well as linguistic sense, is there sufficient material for one to adduce inferences about the features of Pishachi and sufficient grounds to apply these on one to one basis to Dardic larguages and equally to Kashmiri? Was Chulika Pishachi an Indo-Iranian form of speech? For answering these queries all that we have to fall back upon is what the Prakrit grammarians have to say in this regard and the stray examples they have cited in their works, for of Pishachi virtually no record exists, the great Brihatkatha of Gunadya having been completely lost.
What we gather from Vararuchi, Hemachandra and other Prakrit grammarians boils down to but a few phonetic and morphological features with which Kashmiri has hardly anything to do. One of these is hardening of soft consonants in Pishachi as compared to Sanskrit, or the third and fourth voiced aspirated stops becoming voiceless and unaspirated. This process is nowhere in evidence in Kashmiri except in some rare cases limited to borrowings from Persian. Thus ga seldom changes to ka in Kashmiri-there being absolutely no possibility of nagar changing to nakar or gagan to gakan (examples chosen by the Prakrit grammarians to illustrate their point), nor of guru changing to kuru or gachcha to katsh. Sanskrit agni changes to agin and lagna becomes lagun (of Hindi lagna) the ga remaining strong and unchanged in initial, medial or terminal positions. Again gha is pronounced as ga but in no case does it become kha as is said to happen in Pishachi-megha > mekho is unthinkable in Kashmiri in which ghotaka > gur, ghama > gum and ghata > gati. Further, d at the end of a word does not change to t. Thus, Damodar changing to Tamotar, as shown to happen in Pishachi is absolutely impossible in Kashmiri. In fact, there are several examples of the final ta changing to da, as, for instance, in Skt. anta > Ksh and, Skt. danta > Ksh. > dand. The consonant is, however, mostly retained in Kashmiri in initial and medial positions while changing to th in the final position (rakta > rath, gati > gath, mati > math, prati > prath, shata > shath and so on.
Also, Sanskrit ja is pronounced as za in Kashmiri and does not become cha as the rules of Pishachi phonetics would have required. Thus, jal becomes zal, jana becomes zon, jangha becomes zang, jarjar becomes zazur and ujjwal changes to wozul. In borrowings from Persian, however, ja usually remains unaltered, as in jald, janawar, jurmani, jae:hil, jang etc. Of Sanskrit ra changing to la, a frequent phenomenon occuring even before the Prakrits were evolved, there are but very few examples, the tendency to retain it as such being quite strong. For example, rajju > raz, raksha > rachh, taranam > tarun, maranam > marun, patra > vaethr, mitra > myethir, sutra > sithir, mutra > mithir and so on. Final dha is pronounced as da, loosing its aspiration, but not as tha to which it changes as in Pishachi.
Morphologically too Kashmiri does not share any of the characteristics attributed to Pishachi. The ablative of stems ending in a is not marked by ato or atu, nor does the past- participle tva changes to tun, or thun or dun as Prakrit grammarians have laid down. Sanskrit tva invariably becomes it or ith in Kashmiri as illustrated by Kritva > karitva > karith, nutva > namayitva > naemith, mritva > marith, dhritva > darith and so on.
As against this none of the actual linguistic traits of Kashmiri, phonetical or morphological, can be traced in Pishachi, of which examples provided by the Prakrit grammarians are the only record available. One, therefore, sees little logic in forcibly imposing on Kashmiri features of a virtually non-existent language. All that Grierson has done is to gather far-fetched examples, mostly from Dardic and Kafir languages, and attribute these to Kashmiri, claiming that rare exceptions form the rule and pronunciation of a few words (Persian borrowings) represents phonetical tendencies of the whole language. A much laboured exercise, surely, but also gross misrepresentation of facts.
Is Kashmiri a Dardic Language?
Coming to Dard languages proper, Grierson's pet theory that these together with Kashmiri and the Kafir group constitute a special branch of Indo-Iranian can hardly withstand linguistic scrutiny. Georg Morgentierne rejects it outright by maintaining that the so-called Dardic languages are in reality Indo-Aryan and not Iranian. Their word-stock is mainly Indo-Aryan and so are their basic characteristics, he contends. Morgiensterne finds Grierson to have muddled the whole issue by clubbing together the Dardic and the Kafir languages into one single group, and so he is not inclined on the basis of his own research to accept Grierson's views. "I am unable to share these views", he observes. "The Dardic languages, in contradistinction to the Kafir group, are of pure IA (Indo-Aryan) origin and go back to a form of speech closely resembling Vedic''12.
Endorsing Morgenstierne's observations, Emeneau adds that these (Dardic) languages are Indo-Aryan but they did not pass through the MIA (Middle Indo-Aryan) development represented by the records, while on the other hand the Kafir languages (Kati, Waigali, Ashkun, Prasun and to some extent Dameli) may occupy some sort of special position"13. With Jules Bloch and Burrow too taking the line that the Dardic (Shina-Khowar group) languages have Indo-Aryan characteristics while the Kafir group may have Iranian affiliations, there is no justification for applying a different yardstick to Kashmiri. Kashmiri too is just as much Indo- Aryan as, say, Shina to which Grierson finds it allied. By confusing Pishachi with Dardic and Dardic with Kafir speeches and all these in turn with Kashmiri, Grierson has botched up the whole question of affiliation.
We find him going to absurd lengths in trying to establish that Kashmiri has close affinity with Shina, shutting himself out from facts and displaying on]y a superficial knowledge of Dardic phonetic and morphological systems. Ironically, while he rejects vocabulary as the determining factor in the matter of linguistic classification, he starts with using this very factor as a proof for his conclusions. Of the 128 Shina words he has listed for having cognate forms in Kashmiri 14, more than 107 are unmistakably of Sanskrit origin-a fact that he chooses to conceal. Let us have a look at some of these:

English
Shina
Kashmiri
Sanskrit
acid
churko
tsok
chukra
after
phatu
pati
pashchat
army
sin
sina
sena
aunt
pafi (Hindi fufi)
poph
pitushvasr
autumn
sharo
harud
sharad
be
bo-
bov
bhu
beard
dei
daer
danshtrika
between
maji (Pkt. majjh, Hindi manjh)
manz
madhya
blue
nilo (Hindi nila)
nyul
nila
Bone
atoi
aedij
asthi
bow
danu
duny
dhanush
break
put
phut
sphot
cold
shidalo
shital (the actual Kashmiri word is 'shihul')
shital
cow
go
gav
gau, gav
dance
nat
nats
nrtya
day
dez
doh
divas
death
maren
mara (marun)
maranam
dog
shu
hun
shun or shwan
dry
shuko (Hindi sukha)
hokh
shushka
ear
kon
kan
karna
eat
ko-
khe
khad
escape
much
mwkal
much, mukti
face
mukh
mwkh
mukham
far
dur
dur
duram
feet
pa
pad
pada
finger
agul
ongijy
anguli
fortnight
pach
pachh
paksha
give
di (the actual word is doiki)
di
dada
gold
son
swan
swarna
grape
jach
dachh
draksha
hand
hat
athi
hasta
leaf (of a tree)
pato (Hindi 'pat')
patir
patra
learn
sich (Hindi sikh)
hechh
shikasha
lip
onti
wuth
oshtha
man
manuzho
mohnyuv
manushya
meat
mos
maz
mamsa
milk
dut
dwd
dugdha
naked
nanno
non
nagna
name
nam
nav
nama
new
nowu
nov
nava
night
rati
rat(h)
ratri
old
prono
pron
puranam
plough
hal
ala-
hala
receive
lay
lab-
labh
right
dashino
dachhin
dakshina
rise
uth
woth
utishtha
sand
sigel
syakh
sikta
seed
bi
byol
bijam
silver
rup
rop(h)
raupya
sing
gai
gyav-
gayanaga
smoke
dum
dh
dhuma
smooth
pichhiliko
pishul
pichhala
sweet
moro
modur
madhuram
today
acho
az
adya
tongue
jip (Hindi jibh)
zyav
jivha
tooth
don
dand
dantah
vein
nar
nar
nadi
village
girom
gam (Pkt. gamo)
gramah
weep
ro-
riv-
rodan/ruv
woman
chai
triy
stri
write
lik-
lekh
likha
yes
awa
ava
ava
The Sanskrit Factor
It will not be difficult to see from these examples selected at random by Grierson that it is not the Dardic connection that binds Kashmiri and Shina but the affiliation of both to Sanskrit or the Old Indo-Aryan upon which they draw as the basic source for their vocabulary. Many of these, as Grierson hirmself admits, have cognate forms in other Indian languages too because of the Sanskrit factor and, therefore, these do not show any exclusive linkage between Kashmiri and Shina. It can also be easily marked that phonetic systems of the two languages operate along entirely different lines. The presence of one or two Shina loan words in Kashmiri does not go to prove anything for, as T. Graham Bailey has clearly pointed out, Shina in turn, particularly in its Guresi and Tileli dialects, has been influenced considerably by Kashmiri. The fact is that Dardic languages have borrowed heavily from Urdu/Hindi and Punjabi and have some singificant morphological similarities with these North Indian languages, while with Kashmiri they have practically none.
Contrary to what is generally believed, there are wide differences between the linguistic traits of Kashmiri and Shina, too fundamental to be ignored. Proceeding one by one according to the criteria set up by Grierson himself for affiliation, let us see how tenable the arguments in support of grouping Kashmiri with Shina as a representative language of the Dardic group are. But before that let us have a look at some of the lexical and morphological similarities that link the Dardic speeches with other modern Indo-Aryan languages. These will be found to be of more than casual interest. Here are some lexical items from Shina and their corresponding Hindi equivalents.

Shina
Hindi
English
agar
angar
a live coal, cinder, spark
agut
angutha
thumb
ashatu
ashakt
powerless, helpless
ash
ashru, ansu
a tear
bago
bhag
part, portion, division
bar
var
husband
baris
baras
year
bachhari
bachhri
female calf
bish
vis (note the cerebrals)
poison
biz
khiti
fear
burizoiki
burna
to dip, be immersed
charku
charkha
a spinning wheel
chilu
chir
cloth
choritu
chor
thief
chushoiki
chusna
to suck
dugunia
dugna
double
dut
dudh
milk
eklu
akela
alone
gant (note the cerebral)
ghanta
hour
gur
gur
molasses
halizi
haldi
turmeric
hanz
hans
a swan
hiu
hiya
heart
jaru
jara-
old age
jinu
jivit, jina
alive/to live
kali
kalah-kari
querrelsome
kriye
kiri
anant
khen
kshan
an instant, glamoment
lash
ajja
shame
manuk
mendhak
a frog
manu
manushya, manav
a man
mos
mans
meat, flesh
musharu
mishra
mixed
mushtake
mushti, mutthi
fist
on
anna
grain, food
paku
pakka
ripe
pochi
poti
grand-daughter
rog
rog
disease
rong
rang
colour
sand
sand
a bull
sheur
shvasur, sasur
father-in-law
sheu
shvet
white
shing
sing, shring
horn
shish
shis
head
sioki
sina
to stitch, sew
tal
tal
bottom
teru
terha
crooked, bent
jo
jo
which, who that
These are but a few examples that should be sufficient to give an inkling of, how lexical items in both the languages are derived from a common source. The similarity extends to other features also. For instance, pronomial forms (first person-singular) in Shina closely resemble the corresponding Hindi, Urdu and Punjabi pronouns. The same is true of adverbs of place and of conjunctions, most of which appear to be borrowings from these languages. The Shina auxiliary and substantive verb-forms hanus, hanu, hane, haniek bear an amazing similarity to Hindi hun, hai, hain, honge. If that is the case, are we to conclude that Hindi too is a Dardic language?
Kashmiri and Shina: Phonetic Dissimilarities:
Let us go back to the dissimilarities between Kashmiri and the Dardic languages and start from their phonetic features. Though too glaring, these have never been highlighted. Some of the important differences are as follows. (1) The peculiar Kashmiri vowel sounds ae ae: i and i: do not occur in Shina and other Dardic languages, nor does Kashmiri share with them its umlaut system or "consonantal epenthesis under influence of a following vowel". In turn Kashmiri does not follow the short, very short, long, half- long vowel system of Dardic languages. (2) Almost all nasals occurring in the old Indo-Aryan exist in Shina, including the cerebral n, Kashmiri has only n and m. (3) Dardic languages have the sibllant cerebral s, Kashmiri has not. (4) Existence of two sets of so-called palatal letters, both fricatives and stops, is a marked features of Shina, while Kashmiri like other Indo-Aryan languages has only one- the fricates sh, and z and zh do not occur in it nor does cerebral j. (5) Like most modern Indian languages the cerebral letters t, d, r and n are an intrinsic part of Shina, but Kashmiri does not have n and r., the latter being used in the rural dialect only in place of r. (6) In Shina the position of the half-vowel y is very weak and often approaches e; in Kashmiri y is strong in initial, medial and terminal positions.
There is a great divergence in the phonetic changes that words of Sanskritic stock undergo in Kashmiri and in Shina. Sanskrit s and sa almost invariably change to ha' in Kashmiri, but in Dardic languages this phenomenon seldom occurs. Some examples: Sanskrit sharad, Shina sharo, Kashmiri harud; Skt. shun Sh shun, Ksh. hun; Skt. shikasha Sh. sich, Ksh hech, Skt. shrnkhala Sh. shangal, Ksh. h:nkal; skt. shushka Sh. shuko, Ksh. hokh; Skt. vis Sh. bish Ksh. veh; Skt. shakti Sh. shat, Ksh. hekat. Initial h chances to a in Kashmiri, but is generally retained in Dardic: Skt. hasta, Ksh ath, Sh. hat; Skt. hamsa, Ksh. anz Sh. hanz; Sanskrit tr changes to cho, in Shina while in Kashmir it is generally preserved: Skt. stri Sh. chei, Ksh. triy; Skt. trini Sh che. Ksh tre; Skt. jamatr Sh. zamoch. Sanskrit dr changes to z in Shina, where as in Kashmiri the d of the compound consonant is generally preserved: Sh. heridra, Sh. halizi, Ksh. ledir, Skt. draksha zach. Ksh. dachh. Sanskrit bhr also changes to z in Shina, but not in Kashmiri: Skt. bhratr Sh. za (cf. Panjabi bhra), Ksh. boy. In Shina, as in several Indian languages, Sanskrit v becomes 'b', but in Kashmiri its position is generally strong. Skt. vish Sh. bish, Ksh. veh; Skt. vatsa Sh. batshar (c.f. Hindi bachra). Ksh. votshh. Terminal b, in Shina tends to become p and terminal d is pronounced as t in words of Persian or Sanskrit origin; gulab > gulap, garib > garlp, jibh > jip faulad > fulat. This is rarely the case in Kashmiri.
That should be enough to blast the myth that the Kashmiri phonetic system is allied to that of Shina. The fact is that phonetically Shina has little to do with Kashmiri, though it has features that can be found in Hindi/Urdu and Punjabi. Grierson has unfortunately chosen to give selective, distorted and misleading information by taking words- from Dardic and Kafir speeches and even from the so-called Siraji and other supposed dialects of Kashmiri.
Morphological Differences
We find the same process of falsification of facts repeated when we come to morphological features. Grierson has kicked so much dust about these-accidence and syntax and so on-that it would be worthwhile to examine in brief some of the important ways in which these features differ in the two languages15:
(1) Shina has two sets of accusative-the first after transitive verbs in general and the second after verbs of striking (with hand, stick, knife etc.), the nominative having the same form as the Ist accusative.
(2) The genetive in Shina is formed by adding the suffix- ei or -ai in Kashmiri post positions. un and iny and n and ni are added to the dative for masculine and feminine, singular and plural proper nouns relating to human beings, uk and iky and ich and ichi in case of inanimate objects. For nouns other than proper names hund or sund, hindy or sindy in case of masculine singular and plural and hinz and sinz and hinzi or sinzi in case of feminine singular and plural nouns are added.
(3) Shina has a prepositional case to be used after most prepositions, Kashmiri has no prepositional case.
(4) In Shina separate suffixes -r and -zh are used to denote in and on or upon in the locative.
Examples:
(i) ai disher (in that place); hier, in (my, his, your) heart.
(ii) mecizh, generally used with azhe, as mecezh azhe, upon the table;
(iii) anu manuzezh (it ibareh nush, I have no faith in this man.
In Kashmiri locative is formed by using postpositions like andar, tal, dur, kyath, nyabar, pyath etc. with the dative case.
(5) Pronouns in Shina are mostly of the Hindi/Urdu, Panjabi type, except the nominative and agentive plural of Ist person masc. be, bes which appear to be influenced by Kashmiri. Only pronouns in the 3rd person have a feminine in singular. The most important difference is that unlike Kashmiri there are no regular indefinite and relative pronouns in Shina.
The interrogative pronoun is commonly used in their place especially in negative clauses. For example:
(i) ko, (who): ko mush, there was no one, mutu ko (someonel
(ii) jeh (what): jega nush, (nothing at all), mutu jek (something else).
(iii) kos thai buti daulat naye gub (the man who lost all your wealth), main jek daulat haniek, (whatever wealth there may be of mine).
6. In Kashmiri adjectives are declined and agree with the noun in gender, number and case. In Shina only adjectives ending in -u are declined, and these agree with the noun in gender and number only, not in case. Other adjectives are not declined and are treated as nouns.
7. There are no forms for the comparative and superlative in Shina. These are expressed by means of the preposition jo or zho, (from, than). Thus: chunu, small: mojo chunu, smaller than, but, e jo chunu: smaller than all i.e., smallest. In Kashmiri the comparative and superlative are formed by using khwoti and sariviy khwoti respectively.
8. Numerals in Shina are counted by twenties or scores, though there are words for hundred, thousand and lakh (the last two have been borrowed from Hindi/ Urdu). To form numbers beyond twenty the conjunctive particle ga is added to it. For example bi(h), twenty: biga ek, twenty and one or twenty one; bi ga dai, twenty and ten or thirty; dibyo ga che, two-twenty and three or forty three and so on. In Kashmiri cardinals are formed as in other modern Indo-Aryan languages - akavuh, twenty one; trih, thirty, tsatji, forty, teyitae:ji forty three and soon.
9. Cardinal numbers in Kashmiri are declined in agreement with their nouns. In Shina, they are declined only when used by themselves as nouns, not otherwise.
10. Ordinals in Kashmiri are formed by adding the suffix -m or -yum to the cardinal, whereas in Shina ordinals after pumuko or 'the first' are formed by adding - mono and -mone in masc. singular, and plural and -moni and -monye in fem. singular and plural respectively.
11. Like Hindi/Urdu and Panjabi, noun of agency is formed in Kashmiri by adding vol (Hindi vala) in masculine and vajyen (vali) in feminine singular. This is not the case in Dardic languages. In Shina, the auxiliary verb is used to express the idea. For instance, Ek achi hanu musha hanu, one eye is man is, a one- eyed man; shei jakur hani chei hani, white hair is woman is, a white-haired woman.
12. In Shina verbs most commonly used are thoiki (ta do) boiki (to be) and doiki (to give). Boiki and thoiki are correlative verbs used with the same nouns or adjectives to form intransitive and transitive verbs respectively. This is not the case with the corresponding verbs karun, asun and dyun in Kashmiri.
13. Pronominal suffixes are a prominent feature of Kashmiri, but they rarely occur in Dardic languages.
14. The present tense in Kashmiri is formed by the auxiIiary verb chhu and its various masculine and feminine forms. In Shina auxiliary forms hanus, hane, hanu, haniek etc. are used which bear a similarity to hun, hai, hain, honge etc. It must be stated that substantive verb forms based on the root chha occur in many Indian languages, but not in Dardic languages.
15. There is no ordinary way to express the idea of continuance in Shina. While in some cases the word hel is employed to indicate habit, the conception underlying the Kashmiri bi osus khyavan (I was eating), bi gos khyavan, (I went on eating), su rud vuchha-n, (he kept looking) etc. is not expressed in everyday speech in Shina.
Kashmiri differs from Dardic languages in numerous other ways, all of which cannot be recounted here for want of space. A few similarities there may be, but these are mainly because of the Sanskrit factor common to Indo-Aryan languages. In view of such overwhelming evidence that separates Kashmiri from the Dardic group in such important aspects as phonetics and accidence, the assertion that Kashmiri possesses nearly all the features that are peculiar to Dardic and in which Dardic agrees with Eranian" looks preposterous. It is difficult to believe, yet it is true that Grierson has gone to the extent of distorting linguistic facts and making false and misleading statments- a case of suppresso veri and suggesto falsi- in his desperate attempt to procure evidence for his pet theory. A glaring example of the tendency on his part can be seen in his suggestion that all basic Kashmiri numerals are Dardic and therefore Eranian in spite of their obvious development from the old- Indo-Aryan, or the "Pali-Sanskrit" pattern to use Siddeshwar Verma's words Similarly, it is a known fact that Kashmiri borrowed the Persian poetic forms like the Ghazal and Masnavi and the metre Bahar-e-Hajaz in the 19th century, but it is the Vakh and the Shruk that are considered to be the representative Kashmiri metres. How does this lead to the conclusion that Kashmiri metrology is basically Iranian? Fifteenth century Kashmiri works Banasur Katha and Sukh Dukh Charit have employed well-known Sanskrit metres, which have contributed primarily to the evolution of vatsun or the Kashmiri short lyric, and also some original Kashmiri metres like Thaddo and Phuro. These facts are too signiticant to be overlooked.
Kashmiri a Sanskritic Language
Just because Kashmiri is different in some ways from languages like Hindi and Gujrati, does it make linguistic sense to exclude it altogether from the Indo-Aryan family? How strong its affinities are with this family is revealed by its basic word-stock, or, to put it in Grierson's own words, "the commonest words-the words that are retained longest in any language, however mixed, and seldom borrowed". Surely words relating to parts of the body 'physical states and conditions names of close relatives, animals and bids, edibles, minerals, objects of common use etc. can be described as such words and show that their etymology can be umistakably traced to Sanskrit.16 (For details see Appendix I).
Morphological Features
Coming to accidence or morphological features, Kashmiri reveals its Sanskritic roots no less firmly. Declensions of Kashmiri nouns show how new cases have developed from old Sanskrit bases. For instance, the instrumental in masculine singulars takes the case-ending -an which is a remanant of Skt. -ena or -ena: Ksh. tsuran, Skt. chorena. The dative suffix -as or -is is obviously the same as Pali - assa, which in turn is a derivative of Skt. -asya, though there it is used with the genetive: Ksh. tsuras, Pali chorassa, Skt. chorasya. The locative singular takes the ending -i or e: Ksh. vati, Skt. pathi; Ksh. gari, Skt. grihe. The ablative masculine singular ends in -a or -i, a remanant of Skt. -at: Ksh. tsuri, Skt. chorat For agentive masculine plurals the affix used is -av which appears to have evolved from the Vedic ebhih: Ksh. tsurav, Skt. chorebhih. In the accusative/ dative masc. pl., the case-ending -an can be traced to Skt. -anam: Ksh. tsuran, Skt. choranam: Likewise, fem. sing. nouns take the affixes -yi or -i in accusative/dative/agentive case which can be said to have been derived from the Sanskrit case-endings im, -ya, yah: Ksh. d-iviyi, Skt. deviml devya/devyah.
Like other modern Indo-Aryan languages, Kashmiri forms a new genetive by adding postpositions to the dative and agentive cases. The postpositions used are hund or sund with masculine singular and hinz or sinz with feminine singular nouns and pronouns in case of animate objects the plural forms being, hindy or sindy and hinzi or sinzi respectively Punjabi uses handa or hunda and sanda and Sindhi sanda. According to Becames, sanda is the Panjabi form of the Prakrit santah18, which becomes handa and hunda' with the s changing to h. Buhler is of the opinion that Kashrniri sund comes from Sanskrit shyunda19, which appears to be a little far-fetched. The genetive takes the postpositions un and iny also in masculine and feminine nouns denoting living things; the plural forms are iny and ni. With inanimate objects uk and ich are used in singular and iky and chi are used. These correspond to the Hindi ka, ke and ki, while in Gujrati we have no (bapno ghar- father's house). The feminine forms of the Kashmiri genetive remind one of the corresponding Marathi forms chi che etc.
Several other cases can also be formed by adding postpositions to the dative.
Kashmiri pronouns have preserved many old forms, which occur in Sanskrit but are not found in Prakrit. For example, the personal pronouns (third person) su (he) and su (she) are quite akin to Sanskrit sah and sa. and their plural forms tim (they masc.) and timi (they fem.) to Sanskrit te and tah. All other forms of this pronoun have evolved from the Sanskrit root tad. The Kashmiri first person pronoun bi or bo (I) is a remarkable new form which Buhler regards as "a representative of Skt. bhavat, originally present participle of bhu, 'to be"'. All other forms of this pronoun have developed from the Sanskrit root asmad, as is the case with Punjabi and some other modern Indo-Aryan languages Ksh. asy, panj. assi. Kashmiri interrogative pronoun, kus, who, and its plural kam, as also their various forms reveal a close relationship with Skt. kah and kas. The demonstrative pronouns yi, this has its origin in the Skt. root idam while the relative pronoun yus and yim come from Skt. yah yo and ye.
Verbal forms in Kashmiri follow Sanskrit in being derived from the root of the verb, especailly in the past tense. As Buhler has pointed out, "it is impossible to explain them by Kashmiri'20. In this context Buhler cites deshun, 'to see' and dyun to give; as examples. From these we get the forms dyuth, saw', and dyut, was given', which are derived from dittho Skt. drstitah and ditto < Skt. dattah respectively. This process is visible in the formation of all basic tenses- past, present and future. Various forms of the Kashmiri auxiliary verb chhu and as, which are derived from the Skt. roots kshi, 'to be' and as, and occur in several other Indian languages too, are formed by affixing remanants of personal pronouns to the stem. The simple future tense is formed by adding the suffix -i to the nominative base in the 3rd person, a remanant of the Sanskrit suffix -syati: Ksh. kari (-he/she will do), Skt. Karis yati, Ksh. mari (-he/she shall die), Skt. marisyati, Ksh. vegli (it will melt), Skt. vigalisyati, Kashmiri imperative verbs can hardly be distinguished from their corresponding Sanskrit forms. For example we have, Ksh. gatsh, 'go' Skt. gachcha; Ksh. Iekh, write, Skt likha; Ksh. an, bring', Skt. anaya; Ksh. dav, run Skt. dhava, Ksh. lab, find', Skt. labha(sva), Ksh. kar; do', Skt. kuru, Ksh. van, tell', Skt. varnaya and so on. It appears that most Kashmiri verbs spring from Sanskrit roots.
Verbal nouns are formed in Kashmiri by adding the suffix -un to the base, which can be easily traced to Skt. -nam or nam and is similar to the Hindi suffix -na. Examples Ksh. marun. Skt. maranam (Hindi marna; Ksh. tarun Skt. taranarn (Hindi tarana); Ksh. vavun, Skt. vapanam -(Hindi bona); Ksh. pihun, Skt. pesanarn (Hindi pisna); Ksh. pihun, Skt. pesanam (Hindi pisna); Ksh. tsihun, Skt. chusanam (Hindi chusana), Ksh. khanun, Skt. khananam (Hindi khodana Ksh. tachhun, Skt. takshanam; Ksh. thavun, Skt. sthapanam; Ksh. vuchhun, Skt. vekshanam (Panj. vekhna), Ksh. vatun. Skt. vestanam and so on.
The Kashmiri conjunctive participle -ith preserves elements of the old Sanskrit form -tva. Thus, we have Ksh. karith (-having done), Skt. Krtva, Ksh. namith (having bowed) < namitta < Skt. namitva (nutva), Ksh. gatshith having gone) < ae gachitta (-having gone") < gachhitva < ae gachhitva (gatva), likhit < Skt. likhitva, rachhit Skt. rakshitva.
Kashmiri adverbs too point to their old Indo-Aryan origins, quite transparently:
1. Adverbs of Time:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
yeli
when
yarhi
teli
then
tarhi
kar
when, at what time
karhi
az
today
adya (Pkt. ajja)
rath
yesterday, yesternight
ratrih
suli
early
sakae (saka+ika)
tsiry
late
chiram
pati
afterwards
pashchat
adi
after that
ada (Vedic)
prath dohi
everyday
prati+divase
prathryati
everymonth
prati+rituh
prath vari
every year
prati+varse
gari-gari
every now and then
ghatika (Pkt. ghatia, Hindi gari ghari)
yuthuy
as soon as
yathapi
tyuthuy
at that very moment
tathapi
totany
till then
tavat
yotany
till such time until
yavat, as
2. Adverbs of Place:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
yeti
here, wherever
yatra
yetyath
at this place

tati
there
tatra
tatyath
at that place

ati
at that place/from that place
atra
kati
at which placet (interrogative)
kutra
yot
to this place/to whichever place
itah
tot
to that place
tatah
kot
to which place
kutah, kutra
tal
under, below
tale
manz
in, inside
madhye (Pkt. majjhe, Hindi manjh)
manzbag
in the middle
madhya+bhage
dur
far
dura
duri
from far
dure
yapari
on this side
iha+pare
3. Adverbs of Manner:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
yithi
in which manner, as in this manner
yatha
tithi
in that manner, like/that
tatha
kithi
in what manner (interrogative)
katham
yithi-tithi
somehow
yatha+tatha
Kashmiri conjunctions too show the same trend with 'ti' and, coming from Skt. tatha, 'ti', 'also' from Skt. iti'21 and beyi, and, 'more', 'again', from Pkt. 'beiya' Skt. 'dwitlya'.
Order of words
Inspite of all this massive evidence the fact that Kashmiri is an Indo-Aryan language is sought to be dismissed with the argument that the order of words in a Kashmiri sentence is not the same as in Hindi or other north Indian languages. But the order of words is not the same in any of the Dardic languages either which have a totally different syntax. Besides this is not the whole truth. True, the order of words very nearly approaches that of English in direct or coupla sentences with verb coming in between subject and object, but certain other types of Kashmiri sentences do resemble those of Hindi and even Sanskrit, as for instance, in certain types of imperative and interrogative sentences. Consider the following examples:-
(1) Imperative sentences:

Kashmiri
English
Hindi
yot yi ti bati khe
come here and eat your food
yahan a aur khana kha
humis adkas nishi beh
sit near that boy
us larke ke pas baith
yim palav chhal
wash these clothes
ye kapre dho
chay chyath gatsh
leave after taking tea
chay pikar ja
guris (pyath) khas
mount the horse
ghore par charh
vwazul posh an
get the red flower
lal phul la
kuthis manz par
Read inside the room
kamre mein parh
yitsi kathi ma kar
Don't talk so much
itni baten mat kar
tot dwad ma che
Don't take hot milk
garam dudh mat pi
nyabar ma ner
Don't go out
Bahar mat nikal
gyavun ma gyav
Don't sing a song
gana mat ga
vuni ma shong
Don't sleep yet
abhi mat so
Some of the simpler imperatives can hardly be distinguished from Sanskrit:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
ati ma par
Don't read there
atra ma patha
gari ma gatsh
Don't go home
ghriham ma gachchha
az ma lekh
Don't write today
adya ma likha
krud ma kar
Don't be angry
krodham ma kuru
(2) Interrogative sentences:

Kashmiri
English
Hindi
tse kya gatshi?
What do you want?
tumhe kya chahiye?
su kot gav?
Where di he go?
voh kahan gaya?
yot kar-ikh?
When will you come here?
yahan kab aoge?
chany kur kati chhe?
Where is your daughter?
tumhari beti kahan hai?
yi kamysund gari chhu?
Whose house is this?
yeh kiska ghar hai?
bati kus kheyi?
Who will take food?
khana kaun khayega?
In subordinate or relative clauses the verb generally come last as in Hindi:

Kashmiri
English
Hindi
su ladki yus yeti rozan os kot gav?
Where has the boy who lived here gone?
voh larka jo yahan rahta tha kahan gaya?
su hun yus tse onuth tsol rath
The dog which you brought, ran away yesterday
voh kutta jo tumne laya tha, kal bhag gaya
yosi kath taemy vaeneyi so drayi paez
What he had said came out to be true
jo bat usne kahi thi voh sach nikali
yosi kath gaeyi, so gaeyi
what is past is past
jo bat gayi so gayi
This is not to suggest that Kashmiri agrees with Sanskrit in every respect. As a language it has its own peculiarities and distinguishing features. But its basic word-stock does come from Sanskrit, or old Indo-Aryan, and its grammatical forms too have without doubt, developed from it to a considerable extent. True that a great number of Persian and Arabic lexical items have found their way into Kashmiri after the advent of Islam and have become a part of its vocabulary. These, however, are later day additions made much after Kashmiri had evolved as a distinct language.
Written Evidence: Kashmiri and MIA
Though it is not possible to say at what point of time exactly did Kashmiri start taking shape as a distinct language, much of its early literary output having been lost, there is enough written evidence available to help one outline its gradual development fromthe MIA stages of Prakrit and Apabhramsha through which other modern Indo-Aryan languages have passed. Anyone who cares to study its earliest extant record, that exists in the form of the Chhumma Sampraday verses, Mahanay Prakash, Banasur katha and 'Sukha-dukha Charit' will be able to see clearly the continuity of linguistic development that runs through these works. While Chumma Sampraday can be assigned to 11th or 12th century, Mahanay Prakash written by Shitikantha can be rated to the 13th century, both being treatises of esoteric Tantric sects. Then we have the verses of Lalleshwari and Sheikh Nur-ud-Din, celebrated saint-poets who lived in the 14th century, but these have been passed down for centuries in oral tradition and thier language cannot be said to be the same in which they were originally composed. The sentence 'Rangassa Helu dinna' (the village of Helu was given to Ranga) occuring in the 12th century work Kalhana's Rajataringini is also a curious piece of of linguistic evidence. Though Shitikantha's 'Mahanay Prakash' and Avtar Bhatta's Banasur Katha are separated in time by about two centuries, these works share many a linguistic feature.
Shitikantha claims to have written his work in the local dialect "inteligible to all people'-"sarvagochardeshabhasa", and Avtar Bhatta too has used the term "deshy" to describe the language he wrote in. The term has been used by Prakrit grammarians to denote local or provincial dialects, as pointed out by Dr. Tagare. Prakrit works by Jain writers are replete with references to eighteen such dialectsor "attharas bhasa", of which Kashmiri must have been one.
Features of early Kashmiri that appear in Chumma Sampraday in a nascent form become more developed and distinct in Mahanay Prakash, which displays a definite tendency of Prakritization. Banasur Katha, on the other hand, is a record of that state of Kashmiri when the language had just emerged from the Prakrit-Apabhramsha egg-shell. The language of Sukha-dukha Charit is relatively closer to modern Kashmiri while sharing most of the characteristics of Banasur Katha. Being a record of the Kashmiri language as it was spoken in the 15th century, the last two works shed useful light on its medieval development and are greatly helpful in tracing earlier forms of a good number of Kashmiri words. For instance, various forms of the auxiliary verb chhu occur as ksho, kshi, kshem, kshoh, kshiyiy etc, suggestirg that these have originated from the Sanskrit root kshi, meaning 'to be'. Similarly we find the original sh retained in words like shiki, shit; shiton of which the corresponding modern forms are heki, kyath, 'hyotun', Skt. sh generally changing to h in Kashmiri. Shot is another word of this kind, its modern form being hot, 'throat' This is precisely what we find in the Poguli dialect which even today preserves the original sibliant. 'Dittho' (modern Ksh. dyuth) Skt. drishtwa and ditto (mod, Ksh. dyut) < Skt. dattah are among the many intermediary forms of modern Kashmiri words that occur in Banasur Katha.
Most of the phonetical changes one comes across in Mahanay Prakash (M.P), Banasur Katha (B.K) and Sukha-dukha Charit (COC) take place much the same way as they do in Prakrit and Apabhramsha. Many of these changes have crystallized to form words which are used in present-day Kashmiri. For instance, of elision of independent consonants ch, t d and p, there are many examples in these works, the elided consonant being replaced by a glide, y or v: vachan>vayan, lochan>loyan, gatah> gav vady>vay, avaptam>vato, sthapayitva>thavet. In modern Kashmiri too, excepting the elision of ch in vachan and loyan, we have several examples of this as gav, vay, vot and thevith. In Apabhramsha Skt. r changes to a, i and u. In M.P, B.K. and S.D.C., r>i and a: prithvi>pithiv (M.P), Pithvu (B.K); prakriti > pakiti (M.P), pakit (B.K), trn > tin, mrtyu>mitya, drdha>dado (B.K), drstva>dittho, nrtya>nats etc. In modern Kashmiri this tendency can be seen in words like dor< dridha, nats. It will be interesting to note that a good number of grammatical and lexical items are quite similar in B.K., S.D.C. and modern Kashmiri, the apparent phonetlc differenes being mostly due to orthographical limitaticns. Another feature that needs to be noted is that several wcrds occuring in B.K. and S.D.C. are found in Hindi and some other north Indian languages but not in present day Kashmiri. For instance we have: jalo (Hindi jala) pado (Hindi para), chados, chadet (Hindi charha, charhe), piya (Hindi piya), guade (Hindi ghore; modern/standard Kashmiri gur, rural Kashrniri gur). In B.K., the word eshen occurs at one place having beeing been used in the sense of 'they came'. Cursiously, this appears to be a Bengali word, the mod. Kashmiri word being ayi (Hindi aye). These do not appear to be loan words. Their occurrence in 15th century Kashmiri lends further support to the view that the lines of development of Kashmiri and other modern Indo-Aryan languages must have been similar in the initial phases.
Yet another linguistically singificant trait is that in B.K. as well as S.D.C., both 15th century works, several words occur in more than one form. For instance, we have tav and tam, kshyo and chho, ko and kus i and yi. One of these forms appears to be older and unstable whereas the other is relatively new. This shows that the language at that time was more or less in a state of flux and word forms had not yet crystalised. Interestingly enough there are words in contemporary speech also which exist in more than one form. One such word is navid, barber, which is derived from Skt. napita and occurs in the form of nayid (Hindi nai) also, the two forrns denoting two different stages of development: napita>navid, nayid. This makes Kashmiri an interesting subject for study in the Indian linguistic context.
Metrics
These early Kashmiri texts also shed singificant light on Kashmiri metrics. While in Chumma Sampraday and Maharlay Prakash the metre used approaches Vakh and Shruk(J)' derived probably from Sanskrit Shloka or Prakrit Gaha metres, in Banasur Katha Sanskrit metres like Vasantatilakam. Mandakranta, Narkataka, Sriagdkara have been used straightaway together with what appear to be original Kashmiri meitres like Thaddo, Phuro and Dukatika. We find the author of Sukha-dukha Charit also using these very Sanskrit and indigenous metres and that is the last we see of them.
The above study, based on written evidence of the state of Kashmiri language as it was used from the 11th to late 15th century, should be enough to indicate the broad lines of its development in the light of the phonetic changes that can be seen to have taken place during this period. It should surely make it easier for us to go back in time and note for ourselves that this process has been hardly different from the one that has led to the development of other Aryan languages of India. For those who care for facts, this is something that is quite valuable for ascertaining and relocating the position of Kashmiri in the Indian linguistic context. One thing is certain, the roots of Kashmiri do not lie hidden somewhere in the Dardic soil, but can now, more clearly than ever before, be traced to a land that formed a part of the Vedic world. Surely, there is a wide area that has still to be explored, but the direction of this exploration is no longer hazy or uncertain.
APPENDIX I
Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit/Prakrit
val
hair
vala
kali
head
kapalah
buth, mkh
face
mukh
shondi (archaic)
shunda

aes
mouth
asya
dyak
forehead
Pkt. dhika (Guj-daka-throat; doku-head)
gal
cheek
galla
aechh
eye
akshi
nas/nast
nose
nasa/nast
vuth
lip
oshtha
dand
teeth
danta
bum
eyebrow
bhru
kan
ear
karna
zyav
tongue
jivha
tal
palate
talu
hongany
chin
hanu
vachh
chest
vaksha
katsh
armpit
kakshah (Hindi kankh)
yad
belly
Pkt. Dhidh (Panj. tid)
mandal
buttocks
mand, alah
naf
navel
nabhi
athi
hand
hastah
khonivath
elbow
kaphoni+vatah (c.f. Hindi kohni)
ongij
finger
anguli
nyoth
thumb
angustha (c.f. Sh. aguto)
zang
leg
jangha
khwar
feet
khurah / kshurah (-a cloven hoof- Note the change in meaning)
pad
feet
pada
tali-pod
sole of a foot
padatala
nam
nails
nakham
tsam
skin
charma
rath
blood
rakta
aedij
bone
adda
daer
beard
danstrika
naer
vein, artery, blood vessel
nadika
maz
flesh
mamsah
aendram
intestines
antram
bwakivaet
kidney
vrikka+vatah (c.f. Hindi bukka)
rum

hair of the body roma
nal
tibia
nalah, nalam (Pkt nalo)
ryadi
heart
hrday
And here are some words relating to various physical states and conditions:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
zuv
life
jiva
zyon
to take birth
Vedic jayate
asun
to laugh
hasam
rivun
to weep
rodana
mandachh
shyness
manda+akshi
volisun
to feel joy, alacrity
ullasah
bwachhi
hunger
bubhuksha (c.f. Hindi 'bukh')
shwangun
to sleep
shayanam
nendir
sleep
nidra
tresh
thirst
trsa
As for names of close relatives are concerned Kashmiri 'mol' (father) and 'maej' (mother) are said to be of Dardic origin. 'Mol' is, however, derived from Skt. 'mahal', meaning 'the great one'. Other words are clearly of Sanskrit origin.

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
pot(h)ur
son
putrah
gobur
garbharupah

kur
daughter
kumari/kaumari (Pkt. kunwari, Kauri, Panj. kudi, Kaur)
boy
brother
bhrataka (Hindi: bhai)
beni
sister
bhagini
petir
uncle (father's brother)
pitravya (Guj.pirai pitrayun)
mas
aunt (mother's sister)
matushvasa (Pkt. Mausi, Hindi mausi, masi)
pwaph
aunt (father's sister)
pitushvasa (Hindi phuphi)
mam
maternal uncle
mamakah (Hindi mama)
mamany
wife of maternal uncle
mamika
nwash
daughter-in-law
snusa (Panj. nuh)
zamtur
son-in-law
jamatr (Pali jamatar, Hindi jamai)
hyuhur
father-in-law
shvasur (note the change of 'sh' to 'h')
bemi
brother-in-law (sister's husband)
bhama
zam
sister-in-law (husband's sister)
jama (Pk. jami)
zaemi
sister-in-law's husband
jamipati
zaemizi
sister-in-law's daughter
jameya
benthir
sister's son (wife's sister)
bhagniputra syali
run
husband
ramanah (Pkt. ramano ravannu) ranu, ravan (dialect)
vyas
female friend
vayasi
methir
friend
mitrah
shaethir
foe
shatruh
Common animals, birds and even worms and insects have names which are derived from Sanskrit. Examples:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
sih
a lion, tiger
simha (Pkt. siha)
hos (t)
an elephant
hasti
shal
a jackal
shrigalah (Pkt. siala)
sor
a pig
shukarah
gav
a cow
gau (gava)
votsh
a calf
vatsah
hun
a dog
shvanah, shun
vandur
a monkey
vanarah
gur (rural dialect gud)
a horse
ghotakah
bachheri
a colt
vats+ika+ra
tshavul
a he-goat
chhagalah
haput
a bear
shvapadah
vunth
a camel
ustrah
hangul
a stag
shrgalah
maesh
a buffalo
mahisah
nul
mongoose
nakulah
kaechhavi
a tortoise, a turtle
kachhapah
krim
a tortoise, a turtle
kurmah
vodur
a weasel
udrah
sarup(h)
a snake
sarpah
tsaer
a sparrow
chatkah (Hindi chiriya)
kav
a crow
kakah
kukil
a cuckoo
kokil
kwakur
a rooster, cock
kukkutah
aenz
a swan
hamsah
har
starling, mynah
shari
kakuv
the muddy goose
chakravakah
grad
a vulture
grdrah
brag
a heron
bakah
titur
a patridge
tittirah
byuch
a scorpion
vrschikah
maech
a housefly
makshika
kyom
a worm
krmi
pyush
a flea
plushi (Hindi pissu)
bumaesin
earthworm
bhumisnu
Words for Colours:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
chhot
white, bleached
shvet
kruhun
black
krisnah (cf. Hindi kanha)
shyam
black
shyamah
nyul
blue
nilah
lyodur
yellow
haridra
vwazul
red
ujjvalah
katsur
brown
karchurah
gurut
fair
gaura
Names of days of the week:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
athvar
Sunday
adityavarah (Hindi itvar, Sh. adit)
tsandrivar
Monday
chandravarah
bomvar
Tuesday
bhaumavarah
bodvar
Wednesday
budhavarah
brasvar
Thursday
brhaspativarah
shokrivar
Friday
shukravarah
batavar
Saturday
bhattarakavarah
Names of edibles:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
nun
salt
lavanam
til
oil
tailam
tomul
rice
tandulam
danyi
paddy
dhanyam
kinikh
wheat
kanikah
bati
cooked rice
bhaktam
dwad
milk
dugdham (Hindi dudh)
gyav
ghee
ghrtarn
pony
water
pamyam
hakh
pot-herb
shakam
vangun
brinjal, egg-plant
vangan
oluv
potatoe
alukah
muj
radish
mulika
gazir
carrot
garjaram (Pkt. gajjaram)
palak(h)
spinach
palankah
ruhun
garlic
lashunam
mithy
fenugreek
methika
kareli
bittergourd
karvellakah
al
the bottle-gourd
alabu
hyambi
beans
shimbi (c.f. Hindi chhimi)
nyom
lime, lemon
nimbukah
kel
bannana
kadali (Pkt. kelao, Hindi kela)
amb
mangoe
amram (Pkt. ambam)
aeen
pomegranate
dadim
dachh
grapes
draksha
tang
pear
tanka
khazir
datepalm
kharjurah (Pkt. khajjuro)
narjil
coconut
narikelah
ael
cardamom
aila
tel
sesamum seed
tila
rong
clove
lavang
marits
black pepper
maricha
martsivangun
chilli
maricha+vangana
mong
a species of pulse
mudgah (Pkt. muggo)
chani
gram, chick-pea
chanakah
mah
a bean
masha
muth
a kind of pulse, vetch
mayasthah, makushthah
makey
corn, maize
markaka (Pkt. makka+ika)
machh
honey
maksha
khyatsir
a dish of rice and split pulse
krsharah (Hindi khichari)
ras
juice, gravy
rasah
layi
parched grain
laja
shakkar
unrefined sugar
sharkara
shonth
dried ginger
shunthi
zyur
cumin seed
jirakah
yangi
asfoetida
hingu
gor
molasses
gudah (Hindi gur)
rot
a sweet cake offered to a god
rotah
Names of the minerals also show the same tendency:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
swan
gold
swarna (Hindi sona)
rwap(h)
silver
raupya
tram
copper
tamra
shastir
iron
shastrakah
parud
mercury
pardah
kenz
brass, bellmetal
kansya
Names of objects of common use are mostly of Sanskrit derivation:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
kapur
cloth
kalpatah (Pkt. kappado, Hindi kapra)
pot
woollen cloth
patah
sitsan
needle
suchika
raz
rope
rajju
sithir
cotton thread
sutrah
trakir
balance
tarkari
parmani
weights
parimana
prang/palang
couch
paryankah
bani
utensils
bhajana (Pkt. bhayana, Guj. bhanun, bhanen, Sindh banu)
vokhul
mortar
ulukhalah
kazul
collyrium
kajjalam
kath
wood
kastham
kammal
blanket
kambalam (Pkt. kammal)
mokhti
pearls
mukta
nav
boat
nava (Vedic)
dungi
a canoe, a large boat
drona+kah (c.f. Hindi donga)
shup
winnower
shurpa
baehaets
a large boat
vahitra, vohittha (c.f. Hindi bohit)
thal
a large plate of metal
sthalam (c.f. Hindi thal)
gasi
grass
ghasam (Hindi ghas)
kangir
a portable fire-pot, brazier
kastha+angari+ka, ka+angari+ka
dand
a staff
dandam
zal
a net
jalam
baji
a musical instrument
vadya+kah (Hindi baja)
vaejy
a ring
valaya
kofur
camphor
karpuram
gadvi
a water vessel
gadukah
sranipath
a loincloth
snanapattam
ganti
bell
ghanta
sendir
vermilion
sindurah
kapas
cotton
karpasam (Pkt. kappasam)
toh
chaff
tusa
turi
claironet
turya
bin
lute
vina (Hindi bin)
vaenk
braid
venika
vag
bridle
valga (Hindi bag)
baety
wick
vartika
kangany
comb
kankatika
mal
garland necklace
mala
bungir
bangle, bracelet
vank+diminutive affix ri (c.f. Hindi bangri, bangri; Marathi bangrya)
pulihor
a shoe of grass or straw
pula+kah (Hindi pula)
Names of different seasons are peculiarly Sanskritic:

Name of the season
Kashmiri
Sanskrit
spring
sont(h)
vasanta
summer
grishim
gris, ma
rainy season
vaehrat
varsa+ rituh (Hindi 'barsat')
autumn
harud
sharad
winter
vandi
varsant
Etymology of words relating to physical, natural and environmental phenomena is quite interesting:

Kashmiri
English
Sanskrit
siri (Muslim Kashmiri 'akhtab')
sun
suryah
tsaendir, tsaendram
moon
chandra, chandra+mas (Hindi 'chandrama')
tarak(h)
stars
tarakah
nab
sky
nabhah
samsar
the universe, world
samsarah
thal
land
sthalah
vav
air
vayuh
tap(h)
sunlight
atapah
gash/pragash
light
prakash
anigati
darkness
andha-ghata
obur
cloud
abhra
vuzimali
lightening
vidyut+mala
gagiray
rumbling, thunder
gargara
saedir
sea, ocean
samudrah
sar
lake
sarah
kval
stream
kulya
van
forest
van
sangar
shrnga
mountain
sangarmal
shrnga+mala
peaks
bunyul
earthquake
bhu+chala (Hindi bhuchal)
Kashmiri numerals
Of particular interest in this context are Kashmiri numerals, cardinals as well as ordinals, which are amazingly Indo-Aryan, retaining old Sanskritic elements as hardly any other modern Indo-Aryan language does. In the Dardic languages Sanskrit sh does not change to h though in Prakrit/Kashmiri has a full fledged numeral system which by no stretch of imagination can be said to have any links with Dardic where counting is done in twenties. Siddheshwar Verma has very clearly shown that Kashmiri follows the Sanskrit-Pali pattern in its numerals[17]. Let us consider a few examples. Kashmiri is the only modern Indo- Aryan language that retains the Sanskrit dvi in the form of du) in numerals that come after ten (barring twelve). Thus we have, duhaeth (Skt. dva-shasthi, Pali dvasatthi, Pkt. basatthi); dusatath (Skt. dvisaptati, Pali dvasattati), dunamath (Skt dvanavati). In all other Indo-Aryan languages including Prakrit, d>b, as in Hindi basath, bahattar, banave. In the same way Kashmiri shunamath retains the sh of Sanskrit sannavati, whereas in other Indo- Aryan languages sh>chh, Hindi chhiyanave, Bengali chhevanabbe, Sindhi chhanave etc. Again, Kashmiri "satath" is closer to the Sanskrit-Pali pattern and not to Prakrit in which the terminal t of saptati changes to r:Prakrit sattari', Hindi, Punjabi, Bengali, Marathi sattar, Sindhi satari.
It is amazing that Kashmir deh (Muslim Kashrnir dah) and hath derived from Sanskrit dash and shat respectively, with sh and some other Indian languages like Marathi it does: (Skt. dashamukha Pkt. dahamuho; Marathi daha- ten) In the Dardic, and even Kafir languages, sh is generally retained. Thus we have: Kalash dash, Gwarbati dash, Garwi dash. Torwali dash, Shina dai, Maiya dash. In Kashmiri shat (h) as well hath are used for hundred hath for numbers below seven hundred and shat for numbers above it. But in Dardic languages sh is generally retained or changed to s as in Hindi and other modern Indo-Aryan languages: Kalash shor, Garwi 'So, Torwali 'So, Maiya shal, Shina shal.
The following table will make the position of Kashmiri numerals more clear:

Numeral
Kashmiri
Sanskrit
one
akh
ekah
two
zi
dvi
three
tre
tri
four
tsor
chatur
five
pantsh
pancha
six
she
sastha
seven
sat(h)
sapta
eight
aeth
asta
nine
nnv
nava
ten
daeh
dash
twenty
vuh
vimsha
thirty
trih
trimsha
forty
tsatiji(h)
chaturvimshata
fifty
pantsah
panchashata
sixty
sheth
shastih
seventy
satat(h)
saptatih
eighty
shith
ashitih
ninety
namath
navatih
hundred
hath/shath
shata
thousand
sas
sahasra
lakh
lachh
laksha
crore
karor
kotih
APPENDIX II
Some Examples of Conjunction
(1) k+t > tt: shakti > shatta, bhakti > bhatta, rakta > ratta; Mod. Kaihmiri: rakta 'rath', 'bhakta (-rice) > bati, saktum > (parched rice) > sot.(2) p+t tt/t: sapta > satta, avaptam > vato. Mod. ksh.: sapta > sath, avaptam > vot, tapta > tot.(3) t+y ch: nrtya- > nachha - Mod. Ksh nrtya > nats, atyeti > Pkt. achei > Ksh. ats(4) d+y jj: adya > ajja, vadyanti vajjan, Mod. Ksh: adya > az, vadyanti vazan.(5) g+dh > dh: dagdha > dadho, dadhos. Mod. Ksh. dagdha > dod, dodus.(6) dh+y > jj: madhya > majj (Pkt. majh, Hindi manjh); budhyate > bujje (Pali bujjhati, Pkt. bujjhai). Mod. Ksh: Madhya > manz, budhyate > bozi.(7) h+v > jj: dahyati > dajji Mod. Ksh: dahyati > dazi(8) d+v > b: dwitiva > Pkt. belya, bhiya, Mod. Ksh. beyi, dwadash > bah (Hindi barah) dwar > bar (Punjabi bari)(9) g+n > gg: lagnah > laggo Mod. Ksh. lagnah > lagun, log(10) g+n > nn: naghah > nanno Mod. Ksh. nagnah > non(11) t+m > p: atman > pan (Pkt. appa, Hindi ap, Sindhi, pan, u)
In conjuncts with sibliants, the sibliant generally elides:
(1) s+t > th, tth: stana > than, hastat > attha Mod. Ksh: stana > than, stabmbh > tham, hasta > athi(2) s+th > th: sthal > thal (Pali thal', Pkt. 'thal', Punj. 'thal' Assamese 'thal', Guj, 'thal', Marathi 'thal', Hindi 'thal' Skt. stha piyitva > thavet, sthan > than, Mod. Ksh: 'sthal' > thal, sthapanam > thavun, sthal > thal.(3) s+ph > ph: 'sphotayah > photiy; Mod. Ksh: 'sphotyati' > phuti(4) s+m > s: 'smar' > sar, saret (Pali 'sar' -, Pkt. 'sar'-, Mod. Ksh: 'smar' > sar(5) sh+t/th > ttha: drstva dittho (Pali dittha, Pkt. datt,ha, dittha, Guj. Dithun, Awadhi: ditha), pristha > pittha, nistha > nittha, upavista > bittha; Mod. Ksh: dristwa dyut,h; prishtha > pyath, pith; kostha > kuth; oshtha > wuth; asta > ae: th kashtha > kath (Hindi kath) musti > mvath pusta > puth, jyestha > zyuth (Hindi jetha), bhrasta breth; upavista > byuth.
Another point of similarity between phonology of M.P., B.K. S.D.C. and Prakrit-Pali-Apabhramsha is elision of 'r' in r'-conjunction. The present writer was pleasantly surprised to come acorss the word 'piya' (-beloved) in one of the most beautiful songs of Banasur Katha-piya ma gatsh marnay.
(1) k+r > k. krodhe > kodhe, krur > kur, Mod. Ksh: krur > kur(2) k+k > kk: chakra > chakka, shakra > shakka; Mod. Ksh: chukra > tsok, nakrashira > Pkt. nakkasira- > Mod. Ksh. naser(3) t+r > t: > tatra tatte, tati; yatra > yatti, yati; atra > ati, trasen > trase, tri- > ti.Mod. Ksh. tatra > tati; yatra > yeti, atra > ati, ratri > rath, kutra > kati(4) r+n/n, > n (n): varna > vanna; suvarna > suvanna, varnaya > vanno, (a) karne > akannet. Mod. Ksh.: karna > kan, swarna > swan, parna > pan, churna > tsin,(5) r+m > mm; m; karma > kamma, marma > mamma charma > chamma Mod. Ksh: karma > k aem, charma > tsam(6) r+p > pp: darpa > dappa; arpit > appu; Mod. Ksh: shurpa > shup; karpasa > kayas(7) r+h > ll, 1: yarhi > yille, tarhi > tille, Mod. Ksh: yarhi > yeli, tarhi > teli
When 'r' is the second member of a conjunct, however, it does not elide, but is retained with a vocalic release:
(1) Agre > agari, agra; abhrat > abhra; sahasra > sass; nirgatah > niret, niri, nirim; sparsa > parshet, Mod. Ksh: abhra > obur, sahasra > sas, nirgatah > ner; sparsha > phash (Pkt. phassa)
The consonant 'r' is, however, generally retained in modern Kashmiri in initial, medial or final positions. The doubled consonants formed as a result of its elision have been simplied in course of further development of the language in case of words where it has been elided. There is no compensatory elongation of the vowel in Kashmiri for the words so formed, as usually happens in Hindi and other modern Indo-Aryan languages. Thus karna > kan and not kan (as in Hindi), swarna > swan and not sona.
The joint letter ksh changes mostly to chh or chchh, but in some cases it changes to kh as happens in Mod. Ksh. too.
Here are same examples:
(1) Ksh > chchh/chh: kshut. > chchot; akshi > achchi Mod. Ksh: kshut > tshot, akshi > achh, mandakshi > mandachh, bubhuksha > bochhi, laksha > lachh, vaksha > vachh, raksha > rachh, paksha > pachh, kaksha > kachh, taksha > tachh, yaksha > yachh, draksha > dachh, maksha > machh, kshalava > chhal, shiksha > hechh, veksha > vuchh (Punj. vekh)(2) ksh > kkh/kh: tikshna > tikkho Mod. Ksh: Lakshmi > lakhymi, sukshma > sikhim, paksha > (-wing) > pakh, kshama > khyama
The sibliants 'sh', 's' (cerebral 'sh') and 's' generally change to 'h' in Kashmiri though there are several exceptions.
(1) sh/s > h: dasha > daeh, ekadasha > kah, chaturdasha > chuddah, nashan > nahen Mod. Ksh: dasha > clah, ekadasha > kah, chaturdasha > tsodah, nashan > nahvun, sharad > harud, shat > hath, shuska > hokh, krisna > kruhun, chusana > tsihun, pesanam > pihun, vestana > vatun, visam > veh, tus > toh, manusya > mohnyuv, upavisha > beh; shun/shwan > hun; shari > haer, mashkah > moh.(2) sh/s remains unchanged: shobha > shub, maihisa mash, shurpa > shup, pusa/puspa > posh, asha > ash, tris. > tresh, mris. mash-, lesha > lish, prakash > gash.Initial 'h' changes to 'a' in Kashmiri. There are only a few examples of this in M.P. B.K. aild S.D.C.: hastat > attha, hasti > asisMod. Ksh: hasta > athi, hasan > asun, ha,dda > adda
Vowel changes occur in modern Kashmiri almost along the same lines as in M.P. B.K. and S.D.C. Examples of some of these are given below:-
(1) a > a: sahara > sass, saphal > saphul, nibhrit > nibhara, rakshaka > rakshe, sahit > sate, priya > piya, nashya > nah. Mod. Ksh: sahasra > sas, raksha > rachh-,. nashya- > nah;(2) a > u: Medial 'a' often changes to 'u' in Kashmiri nominative singular. This tendency is equally strong in M.P., B.K. and S.D.C.Examples: Janaka > januk, anal > anul, varsana > varshun, tapodhana > tapodhun, sanrakshaka > sanrakshuk, Narad > Narud, Madhava > Madhuv. Mod. Ksh.: balak > baluk, varsan, a > varshun, rakshaka > rakhyuk, takshaka > takhyuk, Narada > Narud, sarpah > sarup, bhramrah > bombur(3) a > a: Like Maharashtri, Jain Maharashtri, Ardha- Magdhi Prakrits and Apabhramshas, a > a in fem. nom. sing. in M.P., B.K., and S.D.C. Modern Kashmiri also exhibits this tendency. Examples: Puja > puj, katha > kath, bala > bal, Usha (proper name) > Ush, mata > mat Mod. Ksh.: Puja > puz, katha > kath, bala > bal, Usa (proper name) > Ushi, mala > mal, sthala > thal(4) i > a: narpati > narpat, dinapati > dinapat, nayika > nayak, rishi > rish, rashi > rash, rashmi > rashm, buddhi > buddh, shakti > shatta, bhakti > bhatta, agni > agna. Mod. Ksh.: rsi > ryosh, ganapati > ganapat, rashi > rash, budcdhi > bwadh, gati > gath, prati > prath.(5) i > u: jiva > juv (Sindhi jiu, Panj, jiu, Kumanoni jyu, ziu, Bengali jiu, Marathi jiu, Hindi jiu) Mod. Ksh.: zuv(6) u > a: tribhuvan > tibhavan, Shambhu > Shambh, ashru > asra, kutah > katto, asur > asar, shatru > shatra, Visnu > vi,sn,a.Mod. Ksh.: ashru > osh, kutah > kati, shatru > shathir Vishnu > veshin
APPENDIX III
Abbreviations
Skt.
Sanskrit
Pkt.
Prakrit
Ksh.
Kashmiri
Mod.Ksh.
Modern Kashmiri
IA
Indo-Aryan
OIA
Old Indo-Aryan
MIA
Mid Indo-Aryan
Panj.
Panjabi
Guj.
Gujrati
M.P.
Mahanay Prakash
B.K.
Banasur Katha
S.D.C.
Sukha-Dukha Charit
REFERENCES
1. Siddheshwal Verma, The Antiquities of Kashmiri: An Approach. p. 7.2. See his Detailed Report of a Tour in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts Made in Kashmir, Rajputana and Central Asia p. 89.3. Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, p. 280.4. Tour in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts, p. 83.5. Monier Williams, Sanskrit Dictionary, p. 844.6. The Antiquities of Kashmiri: An Approach, p. 4.7. S.K. Toshkhani, "Some Important Aspects of Kashmiri as a Language", The Lala Rookh, August 1967, p. 50.8. G.A. Grierson, "The Linguistic Classification of Kashmiri", Indian Antiquary XLIV, p. 257.9. The Linguistic Survey of India Vol. VIII. Part II. p. 259.10. S.K. Chatterji, Languages and Literatures of Modern India. p. 256.11. The Lingusitic Survey of India Vol. VIII, Part IV: The Introduction p. 8.12. Quoted by Murray B. Emenau in AnL VIII. No. 8, p. 282-83.13. Ibid.14. G.A. Grierson, The Linguistic Survey of India Vol. VIII, Part II, 251- 2.15. See T. Grahame Bailey, Grammar of the Shina Language, Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1924.16. Help has been taken of Turners' Comparative Dictionary of Modern Indo-Aryan Languages' for etymology of most of the words.17. Siddheshwar Verma, The Antiquities of Kashmiri: An Approach, p. 5-6.18. Beams, A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Languages of India. p. 291.19. Tour in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts, p. 86.20. Ibid. p. 86.21. G. A. Grierson, The Language of Mahanay Prakash, Para 274.
Excerpts from:Jammu, Kashmir & Ladakh - Linguistic PredicamentEdited by: P. N. Pushp and K. WarikooHimalayan Research and Cultural FoundationHar-Anand Publications
Kashmiri Writers
S.S. Toshkhani

Festivals of Kashmiri Pandits

Let us cast a glance at some of the religious festivals celebrated by the Kashmiri Hindus. An interesting fact about them needing investigation is that some of these are celebrated a day ahead of their celebration by Hindus in other parts of the country. Shivaratri, regarded as the most important festival of the community, for instance, is celebrated by them on trayodashi or the thirteenth of the dark half of the month of Phalguna (February-March) and not on chaturdashi or the fourteenth as in the rest of the country. The reason for it is that this long drawn festival that is celebrated for one full fortnight as an elaborate ritual is associated with the appearance of Bhairava (Shiva) as a jwala-linga or a linga of flame. Called ‘Herath’ in Kashmiri, a word derived from the Sanskrit ‘Hararatri’ the ‘Night of Hara’ (another name of Shiva), it has been described as Bhairavotsava in Tantric texts as on this occasion Bhairava and Bhairavi, His Shakti or cosmic energy, are propitiated through Tantric worship. According to the legend associated with the origin of the worship, the linga appeared at pradoshakala or the dusk of early night as a blazing column of fire and dazzled Vatuka Bhairava and Rama (or Ramana) Bhairava, Mahadevi’s mind-born sons, who approached it to discover its beginning or end but miserably failed. Exasperated and terrified they began to sing its praises and went to Mahadevi, who herself merged with the awe-inspiring jwala-linga. The Goddess blessed both Vatuka and Ramana that they would be worshipped by human beings and would receive their share of sacrificial offerings on that day and those who would worship them would have all their wishes fulfilled. As Vatuka Bhairava emerged from a pitcher full of water after Mahadevi cast a glance into it, fully armed with all his weapons (and so did Rama), he is represented by a pitcher full of water in which walnuts are kept for soaking and worshipped along with Shiva, Parvati, Kumara, Ganesha, their ganas or attendant deities, yoginis and kshetrapalas (guardians of the quarters) - all represented by clay images. The soaked walnuts are later distributed as naivedya. The ceremony is called’vatuk baru’ in Kashmiri, which means filling the pitcher of water representing the Vatuka Bhairava with walnuts and worshipping it.
The Puja comprises elaborate Tantric rituals that involve observance of a fast during the day and performance of a yaga or fire sacrifice at night. Choice dishes, mainly of meat and fish but also vegetarian as an option, are cooked as sacrificial food and partaken of by the worshipper and his family after being symbolically offered to the whole host of deities and attendant deities associated with Shivaratri. This is essential for everyone, the related texts em­phasize. Those who do so are supposed to achieve progress and prosperity in life and have all their wishes fulfilled. But those who do not partake of the sacrificial food and do not break their fast after the Puja are bound to go to hell or take re­birth as lowly animals besides facing all kinds of disappointments in life, as related texts like the Shiva Samhita say:
“yo yagotsavam ulanghya tishthet nirashano vrato
jivan sa pashutameti mrito niryamapnuyat”
The symbolism of the aniconic earthen images, vagur, sonipotul and others representing Shiva, Ganesha, Parvati, yoginis and kshetrapalas, is not clear, as no available text has cared to have thrown any light on it. The vagur, specially worshipped on the dvadashi night itself, is perhaps a vestige of the rites of the Kaula cult as the manual on Shivaratri Puja suggests. It further indicates that these rites are related to Bhairava Puja: “atha dvadashyam pujanam Bhairavam namami”, without elaborating. This has resulted in ridiculous etymologies of the names of the anicons being claimed by some people. The clay images are, nonetheless, essential to the performance of the ritual activity. As they are not made on the potter’s wheel, their worship may have originated in an early period.
However, it is clear from what we have said above that there is difference in the way Shivaratri is celebrated by the Kashmiri Pandits and by Hin­dus elsewhere in the country. The Pandits not only celebrate it as Bhairavotsava one day earlier but also perform quite different rituals. Further, the tradition among Hindus in general is to strictly observe a fast on the Shiva Chaturdashi day. Even taking fruit or betel leaf is considered as violation of the fast.
“Shivayaga chaturdashyam ma vrate phala bhojanam”, says the Padma Purana. The Markandeya Purana going a step ahead adds: “tambulam api na dadyat vrata bhanga bhayam priye”. It is not that the Kashmiri Pandits do not celebrate on the chaturdshi day, but it is a day of feasting for them. The Nilamata Purana, it may be noted, clearly says that Shivaratri is celebrated on the chaturdashi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna.
Khetsimavas:
There are several other festivals and Puja rites peculiar to Kashmiri Pandits, some of them dating back to hoary antiquity. One such distinctly Kashmiri festival is Khetsimavas or Yakshamavasya which is celebrated on the amavasya or the last day of the dark fortnight of Pausha (December-January). Commemorative of the coming together and co-mingling of various races and ethnic groups in prehistoric Kashmir, khichari is offered on this day as sacrificial food to Kubera indicating that the cult of Yaksha existed there from very early times. Khetsimavas appears to be a folk-religious festival - a pestle, or any stone in case that is not available, is washed and anointed with sandalwood paste and vermilion on this evening and worshipped taking it to be an image of Kubera. Khichari is offered to him with naivedya mantras and a portion of it is kept on the outer wall of his house by the worshipper in the belief that Yaksha will come to eat it.
Navreh:
Kashmiri Pandits celebrate their New Year’s Day on Chaitra shukla patipada or the first day of the bright half of the month of Chaitra (March-April) and call it Navreh - the word navreh, derived from the Sanskrit ‘nava varsha’, literary meaning ‘new year’. On the eve of Navreh, a thali of unhusked rice with a bread, a cup of curds, a little salt, a little sugar candy, a few walnuts or almonds, a silver coin, a pen a mirror, some flowers and the new panchanga or almanac is kept and seen as the first thing on waking up in the morning. The Bhringisha Samhita says that the thali should be of bronze (kansyapatraka) and adds that a devamurti or an image of a god should also be kept in it along with the things mentioned above. It may be noted that the rite of seeing the thali filled with unhusked rice etc. is observed on Sonth or the Kashmiri spring festival also.
The Saptarshi Era of the Kashmiri Hindu calendar is believed to have started on this very day, some 5079 years ago. According to the legend, the celebrated Sapta Rishis assembled on the Sharika Parvata (Hari Parbat), the abode of the goddesss Sharika, at the auspicious moment when the first ray of the sun fell on the Chakreshvara on this day and paid tribute to her. Astrologers made this moment as the basis of their calculations of the nava varsha pratipada, marking the beginning of the Saptarshi Era. Before their exodus Kashmiri Pandits would flock to Hari Parbat in thousands to celebrate Navreh.
So widespread is the cult of the Mother Goddess among Kashmiri Hindus that every family in the community has one form or the other of hers as its tutelary deity. The most popu­lar manifestations of the Great Devi are Kshir Bhavani or Ragya (pronounced ‘Ragnya’by the Pandits) and Sharika. The shrines of these two goddesses at Tulmula and Hari Parbat are held as most sacred by all the Hindus of Kashmir irrespective of their cultic affiliations.
Jyeshtha Ashtami:
On Jyeshtha Ashtami, or the eighth day of the bright half of Jyeshtha (May-June) a big festival is held at Tulmul to celebrate the pradurbhava of the Goddess Ragya (Kshir Bhavani). Another festival is held at the shrine on Asharha Ashtami with equal devotional fervour, the sacred spring of the shrine that miraculously changes its colour having been discovered on the saptami of that month. The devotees offer their worship, individually or in groups, waving lamp (dipd) and burning incense (dhupa) while reciting hymns to the Goddess and singing devotional songs. They make offerings of khir to her and of milk, loaf-sugar and flowers, which they offer into the spring. Ritually no specific procedure is prescribed for the Puja at Kshir Bhavani. The Bhringish Samhita simply says that the Devi, whose mantra is of fifteen syllables, accepts offerings of milk, sugar candy and ghee only - “sa kshira-kharuladi bhojanam”.
Tiky Tsoram:
Tripura Sudari, literally meaning “she who is lovely in the three worlds”, is one of the most important goddesses worshipped in the Tantric tradition in Kashmir. Her cult is particularly popular among the Tiku clan of Kashmiri Pandits who celebrate her festival on Tikya Tsoram, one day before Vasant Panchami. The surname ‘Tiku’ is derived from “trika”, according to popular etymology. Her devotees believe that she combines in her form all three Goddesses, Mahalakshmi, Maha-sarswati and Mahakali, and all three of her cosmic functions. However, she is also worshipped by the entire Hindu community in Kashmir and from very early times. As Tripura Sundari (Shodashi), she occupies a prominent position in both Kashmiri and South Indian Tantrism. Apart from her anthropomorphic image, she is accessed ritually through her mantra and yantra.
Pan:
Pan (literally meaning thread) is a festival originally associated with the spinning of newly produced cotton and worshipping the twin agricultural goddesses, obviously local, Vibha and Garbha to whom roths or sweet bread cakes were offered. Though Kashmir is not said to have a climate suitable for growing cotton, there is a strong tradition suggesting that it actually did grow there. The festival falls on the Ganesh Chaturthi (Vinayaka Tsoram) day and the worship of Lakshmi on this occasion seems to have been inducted later. Not that the worship dedicated to the local goddesses was appropriated wilfully by followers of the cult of Lakshmi, but there appears to have been a mix-up at some point of time. The twin goddesses themselves seem to have merged into one another assuming the identity of the folk deity Beeb Garabh Maj, whose very name- obviously a distortion - points to such a possibility. Beeb Garabh Maj is represented by a lota or a water pot which is placed in the centre of the place where the Puja is to be performed, a cotton thread being tied to its neck and handful of dramun or runner grass kept inside it, pointing again to its agricultural origin. A story is told at the Pan Puja which is quite similar to the Satyanaryana Katha, showing some sort of confusion between two different Pujas. Preparation of the roths and their distribution for ushering in prosperity and auspiciousness has, however, become an important part of Kashmiri Pandit religious life.
Other Festivals:
Kashmiri Hindus celebrate many other religious festivals also like Kava Punim, Ganga Atham, Tila Atham, Vyatha Truvah, Anta Tsodah, Mahakali’s Birthday etc. which had distinct ritual flavour, but most of which are now forgotten, the changed times and the exodus of the Pandits from Kashmir having taken their toll. Some like Janamashtami, which, quite interestingly, is actually celebrated one day earlier on the saptami, Dashahar (Dusshera), Durgashtami, Ramanavami etc. are still celebrated but not all of them have a distinctively Kashmiri flavour. Many others have been lost to geography, the Pandits being unable to celebrate them as they have been thrown out of their हबितात.
*The Author has worked on Rituals and Ritual Arts of Kashmiri Pandits. His earlier studies on Lal Ded and Kashmiri language have been widely Let us cast a glance at some of the religious festivals celebrated by the Kashmiri Hindus. An interesting fact about them needing investigation is that some of these are celebrated a day ahead of their celebration by Hindus in other parts of the country. Shivaratri, regarded as the most important festival of the community, for instance, is celebrated by them on trayodashi or the thirteenth of the dark half of the month of Phalguna (February-March) and not on chaturdashi or the fourteenth as in the rest of the country. The reason for it is that this long drawn festival that is celebrated for one full fortnight as an elaborate ritual is associated with the appearance of Bhairava (Shiva) as a jwala-linga or a linga of flame. Called ‘Herath’ in Kashmiri, a word derived from the Sanskrit ‘Hararatri’ the ‘Night of Hara’ (another name of Shiva), it has been described as Bhairavotsava in Tantric texts as on this occasion Bhairava and Bhairavi, His Shakti or cosmic energy, are propitiated through Tantric worship. According to the legend associated with the origin of the worship, the linga appeared at pradoshakala or the dusk of early night as a blazing column of fire and dazzled Vatuka Bhairava and Rama (or Ramana) Bhairava, Mahadevi’s mind-born sons, who approached it to discover its beginning or end but miserably failed. Exasperated and terrified they began to sing its praises and went to Mahadevi, who herself merged with the awe-inspiring jwala-linga. The Goddess blessed both Vatuka and Ramana that they would be worshipped by human beings and would receive their share of sacrificial offerings on that day and those who would worship them would have all their wishes fulfilled. As Vatuka Bhairava emerged from a pitcher full of water after Mahadevi cast a glance into it, fully armed with all his weapons (and so did Rama), he is represented by a pitcher full of water in which walnuts are kept for soaking and worshipped along with Shiva, Parvati, Kumara, Ganesha, their ganas or attendant deities, yoginis and kshetrapalas (guardians of the quarters) - all represented by clay images. The soaked walnuts are later distributed as naivedya. The ceremony is called’vatuk baru’ in Kashmiri, which means filling the pitcher of water representing the Vatuka Bhairava with walnuts and worshipping it.
The Puja comprises elaborate Tantric rituals that involve observance of a fast during the day and performance of a yaga or fire sacrifice at night. Choice dishes, mainly of meat and fish but also vegetarian as an option, are cooked as sacrificial food and partaken of by the worshipper and his family after being symbolically offered to the whole host of deities and attendant deities associated with Shivaratri. This is essential for everyone, the related texts em­phasize. Those who do so are supposed to achieve progress and prosperity in life and have all their wishes fulfilled. But those who do not partake of the sacrificial food and do not break their fast after the Puja are bound to go to hell or take re­birth as lowly animals besides facing all kinds of disappointments in life, as related texts like the Shiva Samhita say:
“yo yagotsavam ulanghya tishthet nirashano vrato
jivan sa pashutameti mrito niryamapnuyat”
The symbolism of the aniconic earthen images, vagur, sonipotul and others representing Shiva, Ganesha, Parvati, yoginis and kshetrapalas, is not clear, as no available text has cared to have thrown any light on it. The vagur, specially worshipped on the dvadashi night itself, is perhaps a vestige of the rites of the Kaula cult as the manual on Shivaratri Puja suggests. It further indicates that these rites are related to Bhairava Puja: “atha dvadashyam pujanam Bhairavam namami”, without elaborating. This has resulted in ridiculous etymologies of the names of the anicons being claimed by some people. The clay images are, nonetheless, essential to the performance of the ritual activity. As they are not made on the potter’s wheel, their worship may have originated in an early period.
However, it is clear from what we have said above that there is difference in the way Shivaratri is celebrated by the Kashmiri Pandits and by Hin­dus elsewhere in the country. The Pandits not only celebrate it as Bhairavotsava one day earlier but also perform quite different rituals. Further, the tradition among Hindus in general is to strictly observe a fast on the Shiva Chaturdashi day. Even taking fruit or betel leaf is considered as violation of the fast.
“Shivayaga chaturdashyam ma vrate phala bhojanam”, says the Padma Purana. The Markandeya Purana going a step ahead adds: “tambulam api na dadyat vrata bhanga bhayam priye”. It is not that the Kashmiri Pandits do not celebrate on the chaturdshi day, but it is a day of feasting for them. The Nilamata Purana, it may be noted, clearly says that Shivaratri is celebrated on the chaturdashi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna.
Khetsimavas:
There are several other festivals and Puja rites peculiar to Kashmiri Pandits, some of them dating back to hoary antiquity. One such distinctly Kashmiri festival is Khetsimavas or Yakshamavasya which is celebrated on the amavasya or the last day of the dark fortnight of Pausha (December-January). Commemorative of the coming together and co-mingling of various races and ethnic groups in prehistoric Kashmir, khichari is offered on this day as sacrificial food to Kubera indicating that the cult of Yaksha existed there from very early times. Khetsimavas appears to be a folk-religious festival - a pestle, or any stone in case that is not available, is washed and anointed with sandalwood paste and vermilion on this evening and worshipped taking it to be an image of Kubera. Khichari is offered to him with naivedya mantras and a portion of it is kept on the outer wall of his house by the worshipper in the belief that Yaksha will come to eat it.
Navreh:
Kashmiri Pandits celebrate their New Year’s Day on Chaitra shukla patipada or the first day of the bright half of the month of Chaitra (March-April) and call it Navreh - the word navreh, derived from the Sanskrit ‘nava varsha’, literary meaning ‘new year’. On the eve of Navreh, a thali of unhusked rice with a bread, a cup of curds, a little salt, a little sugar candy, a few walnuts or almonds, a silver coin, a pen a mirror, some flowers and the new panchanga or almanac is kept and seen as the first thing on waking up in the morning. The Bhringisha Samhita says that the thali should be of bronze (kansyapatraka) and adds that a devamurti or an image of a god should also be kept in it along with the things mentioned above. It may be noted that the rite of seeing the thali filled with unhusked rice etc. is observed on Sonth or the Kashmiri spring festival also.
The Saptarshi Era of the Kashmiri Hindu calendar is believed to have started on this very day, some 5079 years ago. According to the legend, the celebrated Sapta Rishis assembled on the Sharika Parvata (Hari Parbat), the abode of the goddesss Sharika, at the auspicious moment when the first ray of the sun fell on the Chakreshvara on this day and paid tribute to her. Astrologers made this moment as the basis of their calculations of the nava varsha pratipada, marking the beginning of the Saptarshi Era. Before their exodus Kashmiri Pandits would flock to Hari Parbat in thousands to celebrate Navreh.
So widespread is the cult of the Mother Goddess among Kashmiri Hindus that every family in the community has one form or the other of hers as its tutelary deity. The most popu­lar manifestations of the Great Devi are Kshir Bhavani or Ragya (pronounced ‘Ragnya’by the Pandits) and Sharika. The shrines of these two goddesses at Tulmula and Hari Parbat are held as most sacred by all the Hindus of Kashmir irrespective of their cultic affiliations.
Jyeshtha Ashtami:
On Jyeshtha Ashtami, or the eighth day of the bright half of Jyeshtha (May-June) a big festival is held at Tulmul to celebrate the pradurbhava of the Goddess Ragya (Kshir Bhavani). Another festival is held at the shrine on Asharha Ashtami with equal devotional fervour, the sacred spring of the shrine that miraculously changes its colour having been discovered on the saptami of that month. The devotees offer their worship, individually or in groups, waving lamp (dipd) and burning incense (dhupa) while reciting hymns to the Goddess and singing devotional songs. They make offerings of khir to her and of milk, loaf-sugar and flowers, which they offer into the spring. Ritually no specific procedure is prescribed for the Puja at Kshir Bhavani. The Bhringish Samhita simply says that the Devi, whose mantra is of fifteen syllables, accepts offerings of milk, sugar candy and ghee only - “sa kshira-kharuladi bhojanam”.
Tiky Tsoram:
Tripura Sudari, literally meaning “she who is lovely in the three worlds”, is one of the most important goddesses worshipped in the Tantric tradition in Kashmir. Her cult is particularly popular among the Tiku clan of Kashmiri Pandits who celebrate her festival on Tikya Tsoram, one day before Vasant Panchami. The surname ‘Tiku’ is derived from “trika”, according to popular etymology. Her devotees believe that she combines in her form all three Goddesses, Mahalakshmi, Maha-sarswati and Mahakali, and all three of her cosmic functions. However, she is also worshipped by the entire Hindu community in Kashmir and from very early times. As Tripura Sundari (Shodashi), she occupies a prominent position in both Kashmiri and South Indian Tantrism. Apart from her anthropomorphic image, she is accessed ritually through her mantra and yantra.
Pan:
Pan (literally meaning thread) is a festival originally associated with the spinning of newly produced cotton and worshipping the twin agricultural goddesses, obviously local, Vibha and Garbha to whom roths or sweet bread cakes were offered. Though Kashmir is not said to have a climate suitable for growing cotton, there is a strong tradition suggesting that it actually did grow there. The festival falls on the Ganesh Chaturthi (Vinayaka Tsoram) day and the worship of Lakshmi on this occasion seems to have been inducted later. Not that the worship dedicated to the local goddesses was appropriated wilfully by followers of the cult of Lakshmi, but there appears to have been a mix-up at some point of time. The twin goddesses themselves seem to have merged into one another assuming the identity of the folk deity Beeb Garabh Maj, whose very name- obviously a distortion - points to such a possibility. Beeb Garabh Maj is represented by a lota or a water pot which is placed in the centre of the place where the Puja is to be performed, a cotton thread being tied to its neck and handful of dramun or runner grass kept inside it, pointing again to its agricultural origin. A story is told at the Pan Puja which is quite similar to the Satyanaryana Katha, showing some sort of confusion between two different Pujas. Preparation of the roths and their distribution for ushering in prosperity and auspiciousness has, however, become an important part of Kashmiri Pandit religious life.
Other Festivals:
Kashmiri Hindus celebrate many other religious festivals also like Kava Punim, Ganga Atham, Tila Atham, Vyatha Truvah, Anta Tsodah, Mahakali’s Birthday etc. which had distinct ritual flavour, but most of which are now forgotten, the changed times and the exodus of the Pandits from Kashmir having taken their toll. Some like Janamashtami, which, quite interestingly, is actually celebrated one day earlier on the saptami, Dashahar (Dusshera), Durgashtami, Ramanavami etc. are still celebrated but not all of them have a distinctively Kashmiri flavour. Many others have been lost to geography, the Pandits being unable to celebrate them as they have been thrown out of their habitat

*The Author has worked on Rituals and Ritual Arts of Kashmiri Pandits। His earlier studies on Lal Ded and Kashmiri language have been widely acclaimed।

By Dr. S.S. Toshkhani